1 Separating Nations along an equatorial and economic divide, the phrase "North-South relations" is relatively new terminology used to discuss an old relationship between early industrializing, developed countries and the developing countries of the world. During the years 1974 and 1975, while the world was in a precarious position,l Arab oil wealth rose to prominence in the new international order.2 The Arabs, taking due advantage of the new position, made a dramatic international breakthrough which involved all of the Third world. This entailed historically precedential meetings known as the North-South Dialogues in which the rich and poor countries discussed, at a global level, the need to reform wealth distribution in the world. Credited as the instigator of this program was President Boumedienne of Algeria who expressed his vision of the economic emancipation of the peoples of the third world in a United Nations speech on 10 April 1974.3 Yet, the literature on North-South relations surfaced slowly. The terms gained greater recognition from the Brandt Commission in 1980 which used these terms as the title of the first report. Used as theoretical tools to discuss a relational phenomena which springs from the colonial and imperialist era's of world history, the terms are very much a part of the present discourse on the issues and current realities of development and under development in the global context. Nevertheless, it is important to remember that these terms refer to concepts just as much as geographical locations. To understand North-South relations, it follows that an 2 analysis of the historical root of these relations is necessary. Next, an insight into how these relations manifest themselves in the present should follow. Finally, to concretise the analysis, it would be imperative to base our theoretical understanding on
a study of these relations as they occur in the real world, utilizing a case study. In this essay, an attempt will be made to shed some light on some of the fundamentals of North-South relations using a historico-contemporary analysis as outlined above, employing a case study of the island nation of Jamaica. But why Jamaica you may ask? This independent island nation of approximately 2.5 million people lies at the centre between the " .. lowest point of departure and the highest point of
present attainment in the Third World experience which makes it more representative of its class than other nations." In fact it is considered a "microcosm" of the Third World. Mr.Michael Manley(Hon) is one of the most honored Prime Ministers in the history of this fledgling nation. He understood the importance of a fair deal in trade negotiations and that takes belief in self respect independence and respect for personal and nationalistic boundaries. It is is not that fledgling nation must mean diseased and molested nation. But, there is a balance that must respect interdependence. Independence without understanding interdependence may mean starvation. A former colony of Britain, and an independent nation since 1962, it has struggled with all the difficulties inherent to the third world experience. As a result, due to the fact that Jamaica entered into the international economy as a former colony, its relationship to other actors in the world capitalist economy has been thoroughly conditioned along the lines of dependency and underdevelopment. Moreover, through international organisations such as the International Monetary Fund and the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, through trade relations, and the role of MNC'S, the relationship between Jamaica and the North has 3 taken a neo-colonialistic profile. In addition, to escape the various disparities of the colonial and neo-colonial web, twenty five years, Jamaica has used a variety of strategies which span the ideological spectrum from left to right; such as export led growth, import-substitution, nationalisation of industries and state manipulation of the market place. To grasp the roots of the establishment and the historical aspects of the political economy of North-South relations one must go back to 17th century Europe. It was at this moment in history that Europe began to expand, " ... creating a world market and an international division of labour from the sixteenth to the twentieth centuries.,,6 Yet, modern capitalism as it exists in the present day did not develop over night. It has been remodelled over the centuries to fit the changing realities of the global market place. In the seventeenth century, we see the roots of the present relationships between the more industrialised north and the developing south. The commodities that maintained the global economy were produced by the labour of those which populated what we now call the Third World.7 This labour was comprised of slaves, tribute labourers, indentured peasants or proletarians.8 They worked not to satisfy their own needs or purpose as a result of the fact that their labour was structured to satisfy the interests of the ruling classes of Europe. Led by Britain, a new kind of international trade emerged, challenging the older trade practises of the Iberians, which 4 focused on precious metal s and on tropical products for luxury consumption by the wealthy classes of Europe. This new trade tied the large scale production of raw materials obtained within the colonies for manufacturing in Europe to the development of markets for European goods within the colonies themselves. Over the centuries, the slave-holding societies of the European powers were transformed into colonial states which, nevertheless, existed as part of the economic expansion of Europe and the development of capitalism. While possessing their own bureaucracies and developing their own revenues to aid in supporting the cost of empire, the colonial countries still provided the mother country with relatively cheap resources and markets for manufactured goods. Through this transformation, the colonial powers did not have to rely so heavily on the means of violence to maintain order and stability since, through the creation of an indigenous elite, colonial rule would appear to be more legitimate to the greater local masses. This indigenous elite were the few who had an opportunity to education while the majority of the people remained in poverty, unable to know material progress while under the colonial experience.9 In fact, it has been argued by some, that the structure of colonial society was directly linked to the nature of the colonial economy itself. (~?). Emerging out of seventeenth centuries was an international capitalist economy which comprised the industrialised, mother countries which held a monopoly on technologies, finance, and markets upon which the colonial satellites were dependent. There 5 should be no question that the world capitalist economy, established by the Imperial powers, shaped to serve their interests, situated in the North, worked to their advantage. According to Karl Deutsch10, it is a system comprised of a centre and periphery where the more powerful, northern nations are wealthy, control many different technologies, are involved in the production of various goods, and trade with numerous countries or areas of the world. Also, they are not dependent upon the sale or the supply of a singular commodity or upon trade with a particular country. The less powerful countries, comprising the south, do not enjoy circumstances which are as favourable. The conditions within these countries can be summed up as being the complete opposite of the conditions found within the more powerful nations. image, in the image of Europe she created it; developed own , \ ~ a....- • and "And Europe created the World Capitalist Economy in her underdeveloped she created them."Il Britain held colonial possessions throughout ~ the world, including the Caribbean. Jamaica, a part of Britain's colonial possessions since 1655 was originally part of an old Amerindian world. The Arawak and Carib indians populated the island. Yet they did not survive the Spanish occupation of 1496 to 1655 and quickly died out. In 1664, Thomas Modyford, a rich Barbadian planter and agent for the slave-trading Royal African Company, was appointed Governor of Jamaica. At this time, the Black population in comparison to that of whites was 9504 to 8564. Due to the 6 introduction of new technologies for the production of sugar, large amounts of slave labour was required for field work resulting in the Black population, rising with the current of sugar, totaling 112,000 in comparison to 10,000 Whites in 1746 .. 2 Although it was Britain's most profitable colony by the 1800's, within a few decades it was close to economic ruin, crippled by monoculture and slavery. This was the result of soil erosion and the destruction of the basic investment which were slaves as they suffered through brutal treatment and working conditions. " ... The slave system was integrated into the accumulation needs of Great Britain, an ascendant capitalist economy in the process of achieving world
domination. ll~3 Yet, the landlords, mostly absentee, had no interest in Jamaican development. Abolition in 1834 made little difference as " ... they blindly reproduced the undynamic plantation economy. 1114, utilising the ex-slaves, referred to as peasants, as low wage labour. By the turn of the century, American capitalist interests started to replace those of British capital which had, up to that time, constructed the early years of Jamaican history. the new American role became apparent in the 1920's as banana cultivation, financed by Americans, began to have great influence in the economy. During the 1950's, through Bauxite production and the rise in tourism, and other industries, the Jamaican economy grew outstandingly. This growth continued through the sixties which enabled the economy to grow by six percent annually. 15 Despite this apparently tremendous achievement, the economy 7 remained weak in various ways. Domestic agriculture stagnated and served as the origin for continuing poverty in rural areas. As well, income distribution was increasingly uneven. Illiteracy, poor housing, and unemployment was the plight of the majority of Jamaicans. Furthermore, the level of unemployment doubled during the period of fast economic growth. At the time of independence in 1962, the words of Norman Washington Manley, father of the Jamaican nation, were not only prophetic but prognostic. While the mission of his generation was to realise the political independence of Jamaica, he admonished the crowd of 15,000 gathered to listen to him on the day of his resignation from political life. He asked; And what is the mission of this generation, the generation that succeeds me now that I quit my leadership? It is to be founded on the work of those who went before. It is to be made up by the use of your political power, of tackling the job of reconstructing the social and economic society and life of Jamaica. In 1968, he answered his own question with more detail. He argued that " ... no national aspirations were likely to be realised in Jamaica or elsewhere in the third world until the economies could be modified and restructured. 1116 This would also necessitate a dismantling of the discordant class structure( based on a caste S system), of economic activity which rose out the colonial tradition, perpetuating the colonial aspects of the newly independent nation. Although Imperialism and colonialism had come to an official end, the forces which established the world capitalist economy did not lie dormant. The powers which established these systems of 8 economic exploitation, built new institutions to ensure the survival of the economic system which they had created. The exploitation and the disparities did not end but continued, manifesting themselves in what is known as Neo-Colonialism.
Immanuel Wallerstein describes the world capitalist system as a closed system where the activity is set to follow certain efficiencies involving buyers and sellers. This is the most basic aspect of the system and it will never see a crisis. It would continue on the darkest day if the sun was to go dark as there would always be buyers and sellers of the various goods and services pertaining to life. This most intrinsic system as set out in natural law and science will never see a crisis. There is only one such system for all eternity as seen on the trade routes from Marrakesh to Egypt and from Israel to Londinium. Any activity that is extraneous to the principles of this closed and natural system that operates much like a vacuum will operate in the periphery like a bubble in an air pipe that will eventually be flushed out as it attempts to exist on its own and in its less efficient principles. However, the Capitalist system that chooses efficiency in productivity will eventually choose automation over human labor and as such, it will remove the human from much of the economic activity in the production of goods. By doing so, the human being in addition to the monies in the hands of a great factor of the population is removed as a block of requisite consumption. As such, the finished product in the systemic capitalist activity sits in the fields or on the shelves and results in corporate expenditure accounted for as depreciable assets; not earnings or profit although produced most efficiently with machines and automation. The answer to this block of requisite consumption was found in a very advanced capitalist system as seen in Russia after the Bolshevik revolution but that was given the nomenclature referred to as Leninism but Marxist-Capitalism in Marx' socio-economic observation as to how automation and an iron seamstress will affect socio-economic life with machines baking 10000 loaves of bread every half hour. Marxist-Capitalism would have been more appropriate and also free of any ideological confusion. THE ARGUMENT ENDS WHEN THE CAPITALIST SEES THE WOOD FOR THE TREES IN THAT THERE IS CERTAINLY NOT ONLY ONE SYSTEM BUT ALSO ONLY ONE EFFICIENT SOLUTION IN LIGHT OF THE REMOVAL OF HUMAN BEINGS FROM THE EFFICIENT CAPITALIST PRODUCTION PROCESS: THE PROVISION OF MONIES TO THE FINAL FACTOR AND PURPOSE IN THE PROCESS OF PRODUCTION: THE CONSUMER AND NOT THE MANUFACTURERS EGO IN BEING A ROBBER BARON BUT THE PROVIDER OF A SERVICE AND PRODUCT IN COMPETITION WITH OTHER SERVICES AND PRODUCTS AS HE ADVERTISES AND SELLS HOPING TO SEE CONSUMPTION OF HIS GOODS IN PREFERENCE TO THE GOODS OF OTHER PRODUCERS: THE CAPITALIST SYSTEM IS NOT DIVORCED FROM THE ENVIRONMENT OR COMMUNITY THAT IT SERVES AND THE PROBLEM IS QUITE BASIC SINCE THE CAPITALIST PRODUCER SEEKS TAX CREDITS AND OTHER SOCIO ECONOMIC ASSISTANCE FROM THE GOVERNMENT WITH WHICH IT WORKS FOR A NATIONAL SOCIO ECONOMIC GOOD: NOT THAT THE COMPANIES WILL FOOT THE BILL BUT THEY WILL OBSERVE OTHER INDUSTRIAL NATIONS AS THEY RESPOND TO THIS WORLD CAPITALIST EQUATION IN UTMOST TECHNOLOGICAL EFFICIENCY AND THEY WILL SEE THE SOCIO ECONOMIC ANSWER AS A CAPITALIST PRODUCER IN CONJUNCTION WITH ITS HOST SOCIETY IS TO ALLOW AND PROVIDE CONSUMER OR PARTICIPATORY REMUNERATION: STUDIES CAN BE EMPLOYED TO UNDERSTAND THE MOST SUCCESSFUL ECONOMIES THAT HAVE ANSWERED THIS SYSTEMIC EQUATION IN LIGHT OF AUTOMATION AS IT DOES NOT PRESENT A CRISIS ANYWHERE ELSE IN THE WORLD EXCEPT AMONGST THE POPULATIONS SUFFERING WITH AN ABUNDANCE OF HUMANOID HUMANZEES LABORING TO PLEASE THEIR GENETIC ENGINEERS TO THE DEATH IN THAT THEY REFUSE TO APPLY LOGIC AND FOLLOW THEIR GENETIC CREATORS IN THEIR EXAMPLE OF SIMPLE ECONOMIC WISDOM
While this was the case, the Jamaican nation faced barriers on the road to development which were the result of both internal and external factors. Externally, trade patterns in the international market between rich and poor countries reflects the bargaining power of the trading partners .17 To date there has been no indication that the economic bargaining position of the poorer countries such as Jamaica is being improved noticeably.18 According to Immanuel Wallerstein, trade between core and the periphery results in an unequal exchange between high-wage products produced in the north and low-wage products produced in the south.~9 As a result, trade alone can be an impediment to development, widening the gap between rich and poor countries. 20 Multi-national corporations working within the third world know that most governments in the third world are weak in terms of what they have to offer and in their ability to affect the over-all financial position of the outside investor through taxation or other means whereby the host-nation could benefit from the MNC'S presence in the nation. According to Karl Deutsch, MNC involvement in a third world nation will lead to a net transfer of wealth from the developing country to the developed.21 It is apparent that an MNC can offer increased employment opportunities and a new source of tax and royalty revenues. In fact, something different than 9 thi s occurs. The MNC usually paralyses local competition and disregards or disturbs government policies, leaving dependent countries to suffer disruption and further dependence.22 Internally, Elite groups in most third world countries are engaged in protecting their economic interests by safeguarding the pursuits of capital; domestic as well as that of foreigners. According to Fantu Cheru, the IMF and the World Bank operate to serve the interests of Western capital while seeking to encourage export -1 ed growth through currency devaluations and other measures; essentially challenging the sovereignty of the recipient nation by giving economic control of the nation's immediate destiny to the IMF. The IMF is sometimes used as a tool of Western foreign policy. The U.S is the largest financial contributor with 20% of the votes on the board which enables it to refuse support to, and obstruct the credit of uncooperative governments whenever it sees fit. While the experience of independence began in 1962 for Jamaica, so did the challenge to overcome the formidable social and economic circumstances set before it. From 1962 to 1974, the Jamaica Labour party(JLP), in power under the leadership of Edward Seaga, continued to pursue a development strategy which had been established during the last years of colonialism. This strategy included an increased role for the state in the development process as well as a Keynsian approach to economic planning. This involved ten year plans. Focus was placed on manufacturing patterned after the Puerto-Rican plan known as "industrialisation by invitation. ,,23 10 This strategy gravitated around the encouragement of foreign investment through lucrative incentives to establish manufacturing plants for export. The objective was the establishment and growth of industrial production for domestic consumption as well as export. The rationale was to provide increased goods and services, to "modernise" the production system, and provide employment. The resources to do this were Jamaican labour, privately owned land and capital and especially foreign capital. Yet, this plan was displaced by a five year plan which focused on the social needs of the nation due to the rising dissatisfaction of the rural, small farmers and the growing group of urban unemployed which had been attracted to the cities from the country side in the hope of finding jobs. In reality, it was apparent that the government of the new nation was accepting responsibility for economic development as well as social welfare while leaving production to private venture. By 1972, unemployment had grown by 23%, economic growth slowed down, and the dissatisfaction over the social and economic disparities through the population increased. As well, there was open corruption in the Seaga administration. It was to no surprise that the PNP (Peoples National Party) party under Michael Manley went swiftly in to power after the 1972 elections. The PNP advocated radical social changes while the JLP were more conservative. Whereas the PNP promoted closer ties with other third world countries the JLP sought closer links with western countries. Essentially, the PNP supported socialist approaches to running the state while JLP was Capitalist, defending free 11 enterprise. The PNP, having campaigned on a reformist platform, sought to improve the status of the poorest sections of the population such as the landless, workers, and women, instituting educational programmes as well as public works. With respects to the economy, the PNP turned in the opposite direction within the economic ideological spectrum, arguing that the government should" ... take control of the commanding heights of the economy from foreigners. ,,24 In 1974, the new government exercised their new position by imposing a levy on bauxite production. The mining companies did not respond well to this. The two sides negotiated at first and the bauxite companies agreed to increase Jamaica's revenue from US$25 million to US$80 million. The government refused this and out of necessity and urgency due to falling foreign exchange reserves, imposed its own levy. This was in the face of bauxite company assets totalling US$800 million. In response, one aluminum company attempted to sue Jamaica over the levy. Another set, Reynolds and Al coa , at tempted to get the American congress to reduce aid to Jamaica. As a result, US economic aid declined from US$13.2 million in 1974 to US$4.3 million in 1975. Loans were cancelled. The result was strained relations between the two nations. Apparently, the American government and MNC' S reaction was to punish Jamaica as well as discourage other third world companies from taking similar initiatives.25 Jamaica's attempt to repatriate a proportion of the bauxite revenues was successful yet due to the rise in wheat and oil prices 11 enterprise. The PNP, having campaigned on a reformist platform, sought to improve the status of the poorest sections of the population such as the landless, workers, and women, instituting educational programmes as well as public works. With respects to the economy, the PNP turned in the opposite direction within the economic ideological spectrum, arguing that the government should" ... take control of the commanding heights of the economy from foreigners.,,24 In 1974, the new government exercised their new position by imposing a levy on bauxite production. The mining companies did not respond well to this. The two sides negotiated at first and the bauxite companies agreed ~ to increase Jamaica's revenue from US $25 million to US $80 million. The government refused this and out of necessity and urgency due to falling foreign exchange reserves, imposed its own levy. This was in the face of bauxite company assets totaling US $800 million. In response, one aluminum company attempted to sue Jamaica over the levy. Another set, Reynolds and Alcoa, attempted to get the American congress to reduce aid to Jamaica. As a result, US economic aid declined from US $13.2 million in 1974 to US $4.3 million in 1975. Loans were cancelled. The result was strained relations between the two nations. Apparently, the American government and MNC' 8 reaction was to punish Jamaica as well as discourage other third world companies from taking similar initiatives.25 Jamaica's attempt to repatriate a proportion of the bauxite revenues was successful yet due to the rise in wheat and oil prices 12 early in 1973, the net effect was that what was obtained from one set of multi-nationals was used to pay another group; the foreign oil and wheat exporting countries. These were the harsh realities of Jamaica's trade relations with the industrialised north upon which it was dependent for so many things. Moreover, its experiences with the retaliatory efforts of the MNC' s followed Jamaica into the 1976 elections. At this point, there was apparently a destabilisation effort on the part of the C.I.A to prevent the PNP from being re-elected. Early in 1976, it was apparent to many government officials that there was an attempt being made by both local and foreign forces to bring the nation and the government to its knees. By definition, destabilisation is a process whereby forces inside or outside of a nation or in cooperation with one another, attempt " ... to create a situation of instability and panic by design."26 The word destabilisation entered the realm of political analysis due to events in Chile two or three years earlier in the face of the demise of the Allende government. US senate investigations had proven that the CIA, along with the Chilean military and other local dissenting groups worked to destabilise and then to eventually overthrow the Chilean government.27 Suspicious events in Jamaica began with the Daily Gleaner's publication of editorials full of lies distortions and half-truths. The Gleaner had a strong conservative tradition, dating back to the colonial era and was seen as a defender of the status quo, and leader of any reactions to any attempts to change. 1976 was an 13 election year and, at this time, the editor was a former JLP candidate. As mentioned earlier, the CIA, along with the official face of the American government, and American MNC's had a role to play in Jamaican politics in addition to local elite groups. This included business men and other groups of local capital interests. This involved a tightly knit group of families, no larger than twenty one in all, which manipulated and controlled the imports, exports and manufacturing.28 While Manley espoused socialist phrases and developed government programs along more social ist lines, many within the elite groups became nervous. In the midst of rising crime and inflation and rumours of a communist overthrow, many from the upper classes, along with their capital, fled to Miami and other parts of North America, including Toronto and New York. This time, as of 2015, they are fleeing North America and West Indies due to a new illiterate xenophobia to live in parts of Latin America where there are existing West Indian populations until the illiterate xenophobia is removed by the local and international authorities. Within the nation, there was an attempt on the part of the JLP and sympathisers to paint the PNP as communists. Mind you, an attempt on the part of local elites to bring the PNP government to an end should have been no surprise. PNP policies threatened the well being of dominant, entrenched interests and as a result they reacted out of fear and in response to their threatened economic well being. Nevertheless, through political violence(approximately 500 political murders) and the turbulent times of the 1976 elections, the PNP emerged victorious and was given another opportunity to mould and craft the direction in which the Jamaican nation would go albeit with Limited resources and outside influence over the 14 economy. The government, during 1976 and 1980, attempted to follow a policy of self-reliance which was to mobilise all the people and land resources in hopes of reducing substantially the nation's import bill, removing waste, reducing non-essential imports, and diversifying its international economic relations which, up to this point, was cent red on trade with the us or more generally, the industrialised north to the exclusion of most other third world nations. Sadly though, the government never had a chance to fully implement the policies as it entered into negotiations with the IMF in 1978. In 1977, Jamaica failed the IMF assets test by 2.6 percent and despite the fact that failure by a small margin is usually allowed, the IMF decided to take a very hard stance with Jamaica. They forced the nation to make further devaluations of its currency. This meant an immediate 15% currency devaluation as well as other mini -devaluations every two months. This would mean decline in the dollar from a level virtually better than par with the US dollar to J$1.76 to US$1.00. Social programmes would be cut and the most massive tax package in the history of Jamaica was introduced. The most conservative and pragmatic members of the cabinet were in revolt, appalled at the whole sale slaughter that was being insisted upon. II.: In a live telecast on the 11 May, Manley told the Jamaican people that there was no alternative to the IMF package. Yet, he admitted that there were fundamental questions of sovereignty which arose when dealing with the IMF. 15 The alternatives were complete self-reliance which would make it harder on the rich than the poor who, under the IMF suffered the most. Or else, they could seek further outside assistance from the Soviet Union or elsewhere. The fact that Jamaica looked for outside deliverance showed that their minds were still colonised. 30
In the words of Carl Stone;
Colonised minds cannot decolonise anything. IMF or no IMF the task facing us is that of decolonising and restructuring the Jamaican economy to render it more self-reliant. Outside help can only buy us time to get on with that task that in the final analysis we will have to painfully do ourselves.
Unfortunately though, IMF involvement failed to help the people of Jamaica turn around their economic plight. Twenty five years after independence, the problems of unemployment and unused land are worse. Moreover, the nation is more dependent now than before, since the historic forms of dependence were intensified by a debt trap from which there is no quick escape. As well, Jamaica's major trading partners in 1962 continued to dominate the countries exports and imports in 1987. Further still, at this very present moment, the IMF is still playing a role in the economic life of the island nation. As Norman Manley said in 1962, the task of the generations to follow was to take their political power and tackle the job of reconstructing the social and economic life of Jamaica. While it may appear that Jamaica is failing or has failed at this challenge, this is not so. First off, it is fathomless to conceive of the possibility of undoing, restructuring, and remodelling a society and economy which took hundreds of years to develop within 16 the time frame of a quarter century. Like many other third world nations, Jamaica is still in the race; the never ending quest to step forward and farther away from its colonial lineage. Nevertheless, it is to be remembered that in a capitalist economy which perpetuates dependency and inequalities to satisfy the capitalist mode of prof it and continuing expansion, their are limited possibilities for change according to Immanuel Wallerstein. The task of a third world nation such as Jamaica is to not only seek ways on how it can improve its position relative to other actors within the W.C.E but to seek systematic change in association with other nations suffering a similar and frustrating predicament. Over the last 25 years the Jamaican nation has struggled to overcome the constraints with which it is faced internally and externally and she has met with minimal success. Yet the contest is not over. She possesses a stable democracy, although challenged by the carnage of political violence during elections. Furthermore, she is not at the bottom of the world-state hierarchy but is somewhere near the middle. For Jamaica and other third world nations, there is hope. But it is questionable if hope lies in an individualist struggle. There is always strength in numbers and so success may lie in a cooperative effort and not a solo art. Regardless, the road to development in a world split along a north-south divide fraught with inequalities where those nations who benefit from the system are not willing to give up their privilege, is slow and rough. It will require a concerted effort on the part of the south and although some say it will 17 not occur over night, conditions can slowly be improved. In the words of Frantz Fanon ; the world is waiting for something from us ... if we want humanity to advance a step further, if we want to bring it to a different level than that which Europe has shown it, then we must invent and we must make discoveries ... for humanity, comrades, we must turn over a new leaf, we must work out new concepts, and try to set afoot a new man. (taken from Wretched of the Earth) p. 315-316. This is a challenge to all of the third world and, more specifically, Jamaica. Jamaica must work out new concepts. Jamaica must set afoot new men and women. She must set afoot a new Jamaican if Jamaicans are to be a mighty people, rising out of many; African, Indian, Jewish, Chinese, European, able to accomplish whatever they will .
Prayerfully, this will be the island's destiny. So let it be. In spite of the interest in nationalism, the simple answer is emancipation with continued dependence since you have no other culture but English. It is evident financially and you are not leaving the English universe very soon. Where would you go? You could think of Africa? Amen!
This is an original essay written in December 1993 at The University Of Western, Ontario by Warren Augustine Lyon for Politics 365F. Warren is a graduate in Political Science and History with an BA(Hons). The essay was graded at 84% With Professor Schild. Warren Augustine Lyon is the author of this blog and can be contacted at londinium.mmxi@gmail.com.
